This video piece by John Avlon is very revealing:
Nancy LeTourneau of Washington Monthly was one of the first journalists to start using my term “court evangelicals” to describe the evangelical leaders who back Donald Trump. In yesterday’s column, she brings our attention to center-right conservatives, many of whom are associated with a new publication called “The Bulwark,” and their role in saving American Democracy in the so-called age of Trump.
Here is a taste:
At some point, these center-right conservatives must articulate a policy agenda that is distinct from the ethnonationalism that currently fuels the Republican Party. To do so they will have to acknowledge the problem and come to grips with their own role in creating and exploiting it in the first place, which could be the most difficult step. Once articulated, they would have to find a way to garner support for that agenda that doesn’t simply exploit white grievance.
That’s a tall order and, at this point, I think the odds are stacked against them. But I, for one, would welcome the possibility of settling differences by debate and argument in an atmosphere where the truth actually matters, because that is pretty much the definition of democracy.
Read the entire piece here.
If you want to know how conservative politics has changed in the last decade, just take a look at how the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) responded to Mitt Romney’s decision to vote with Democrats on whether to allow witnesses in the Donald Trump impeachment trial.
Here is a tweet from CPAC chair Matt Schlapp:
— Matt Schlapp (@mschlapp) January 31, 2020
I thought it was interesting that Schlapp called his own announcement “breaking.” What a sense of self-importance. But I digress.
Let’s remember that Mitt Romney was the Republican Party’s nominee for president in 2012. Today he can’t even get in the door at CPAC.
Let’s also remember that Mitt Romney got dis-invited from CPAC because he thought Trump’s National Security Adviser (John Bolton) could offer additional information to help him make his decision about whether to remove Trump from office. It seems like Romney, in voting for more witnesses, was taking his job seriously. Apparently this is not a “conservative” virtue.
Perhaps Schlapp’s organization should be called TPAC: Trump Political Action Committee. Just look at this year’s lineup. It includes Mark Levin, Diamond & Silk, Nigel Farage, Devin Nunes, Candace Owens, Kayleigh McEnany, Buck Sexton.
Ramesh Ponnuru says Congress needs to prove 4 things to impeach a POTUS:
- That the facts of the case are true.
- That the facts amount to an abuse of power.
- That the abuse is impeachable
- That is prudent to remove the president.
Read his recent piece at The National Review to see how he responds to these four points. A taste:
On October 3, Trump was asked to clarify what he had wanted the Ukrainian government to do. “They’d start a major investigation into the Bidens,” he answered. Representative Debbie Lesko (R., Ariz.) nonetheless told a CNN reporter on December 13 that Trump had not asked “a foreign power to investigate a political rival.” Her office later “clarified” that she meant to deny only that Trump had wanted the investigation because Biden is a political rival. The fact that they both want to be president in 2021 was, on her view, just a coincidence.
Take the clarification seriously, and what Representative Lesko was trying to do was to defend that second wall. Sure, the president sought an investigation of Biden, but only as a means of making sure that U.S. aid was not going to a corrupt state. Senator John Kennedy (R., La.) has said that the possibility that Trump was concerned about corruption means that he cannot be proved to have had a corrupt intent.
The argument requires a willful suspension of disbelief. Gordon Sondland, the Trump-appointed ambassador to the European Union, has testified that Trump “didn’t want to hear about” Ukrainian efforts against corruption and that concerns over corruption had not led to the withholding of aid from any other country within his portfolio. The Department of Defense had certified that Ukraine was taking steps against corruption before the administration withheld aid to it.
Fighting corruption would not have required Trump to encourage Zelensky to work with Rudolph Giuliani, Trump’s personal lawyer, who has said that he was working in Ukraine to advance his client’s personal interests; it would have counseled against Trump’s doing that. Nor would the effort have required the secrecy with which it was conducted, or have required dropping around the same time it was starting to attract publicity. Kurt Volker, Trump’s envoy to Ukraine, has testified that Giuliani said that official Ukrainian statements against corruption were insufficient unless they specifically mentioned the investigations touching on the Bidens and on the 2016 campaign.
There is essentially no evidence that either investigation is worth conducting. The theory that Joe Biden acted corruptly holds that he leaned on the Ukrainian government to fire a prosecutor who was looking into a company that had his son on the board. That prosecutor’s former deputy has said that there was no active investigation, and the Obama administration was on record urging the prosecutor to assist a British legal action against the company’s owner.
Read the entire piece here.
Here is Dan Larison of The American Conservative:
The case for Trump’s impeachment seemed quite strong more than two months ago, and the evidence provided to the House’s impeachment inquiry has strengthened it further. The president’s abuse of power is not in dispute. It is clear that he used the powers of his office in an attempt to extract a corrupt favor for his personal benefit, and this is precisely the sort of offense that impeachment was designed to keep in check. It doesn’t matter if the attempt succeeded. All that matters is that the attempt was made. It is also undeniable that he has sought to impede the investigation into his misconduct. The president has committed the offenses he is accused of committing, and the House should approve both articles of impeachment.
The president doesn’t have a credible line of defense left. That is why his apologists in Congress and elsewhere have been reduced to making increasingly absurd and desperate claims. The president’s defenders want to distract attention from the fact that the president abused his power, violated the public’s trust, and broke his oath of office, but these distractions are irrelevant.
Read the entire piece here.
One of my favorite historians recently reviewed a book by one of my other favorite historians. Here is Georgetown University’s Michael Kazin‘s review of University of Oklahoma historian Wilfred McClay‘s Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. (At this point, I can only call your attention to this review. Since I have not read McClay’s book, I cannot comment on the fairness of Kazin’s review).
Wilfred McClay, a rare conservative historian whose prior work is respected across the political trenches, thinks he can explain what made America wonderful without echoing the nonsense Newt and his ilk hawk to the faithful. In a new survey of the nation’s past, McClay, who sports a hefty title as the G. T. and Libby Blankenship Chair in the History of Liberty at the University of Oklahoma, seeks to impart an uplifting message while still telling the story straight. His book bears the title Land of Hope, with a subtitle that appears pitched to acolytes of Trump: An Invitation to the Great American Story. Serious scholars on the right rarely write such sweeping national narratives, and McClay’s conservative publisher has made quite a production out of this one. It’s printed on expensive glossy stock, the images are numerous and mostly in color, and a handsome brochure with a lengthy author Q&A is included in every review copy.
McClay has clearly written the book with its enormously popular competitor on the left in mind. In the promotional interview, he asserts that Howard Zinn’s famous book is “simplistic melodrama” that appeals to “many Americans who have felt disillusioned by our natural flaws.” He’s not wrong about that. A People’s History does reduce the past to a conflict between a tiny elite animated by nothing but power and greed and a vast majority who always seem to get shafted; he never asks why so many Americans were taken in by what he called “the most ingenious system of control in world history.” Still, Zinn at least made a powerful argument in arresting prose: he condemned the enduring exploitation of the 99 percent by the 1 percent and provided readers with a surfeit of quotes from such eloquent voices as Eugene Debs, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Adrienne Rich who resisted the powerful, albeit with more courage than success.
But McClay has entirely failed to create an appealing alternative to his radical rival. He sheds praise on the nation and its people without explaining why and how they accomplished the deeds he finds so worthy of tribute. Unwilling to parrot the conspiracy-mongering of hacks like D’Souza but still determined to present a past brimming with “hope,” he ends up with a history that is dutiful rather than inspiring.
If you want to get conservatives riled-up these days, just mention the “1619 Project.” Last week I published an op-ed about the The New York Times project designed to commemorate 400 years of slavery in America and all hell broke loose. You can read my piece in the Harrisburg Patriot-News here. (Read some of the 155 comments).
Since the appearance of this piece I have received multiple negative voicemail messages on my office phone. It took one guy three messages to tell me that I was wrong. His rant was cut off by the “beep” and then he continued mid-sentence in the next message. Another caller insisted that I call him back and defend myself against his criticisms. Apparently the piece was republished in a Grand Rapids, Michigan newspaper. How do I know this? Because somebody approached me at my daughter’s volleyball game (she goes to college in Grand Rapids) and wanted to politely debate me. My posts on the 1619 Project here at the blog drew some intense push-back from commentators. Some of the comments were so ugly I refused to post them. Eventually I just decided to close down the comments section.
Not all conservatives are opposed to the way the 1619 project frames American history. One of them is Washington Post columnist Michael Gerson. Here is a taste of his recent piece:
I am thinking instead of conservative writers who argue that the 1619 Project is a prime example of leftist ideological overreach — that its (mainly African American) authors see the country entirely through the prism of its sins and intend to “delegitimize” the American experiment. In making this case, some conservatives have offered excuses — or at least mitigations — for the moral failures of the Founders on matters of race. The institution of slavery, we are assured, was historically ubiquitous. The global slave trade, we are reminded, involved not just Americans but Arabs and black Africans. Other countries, we are told, took more slaves than America, treated them worse and liberated them later.
The attempt here is to defend the honor of the American experiment by denying the uniqueness of its hypocrisy on slavery. In one way or another, all these arguments ask us to consider the inadequacies of the Founders within the context of their times.
But to deny the uniqueness of American guilt on slavery is also to deny the uniqueness of its aspirations. Americans are required to have ambiguous feelings about many of the country’s Founders precisely because of the moral ideals the Founders engraved in American life. The height of their ambitions is also the measure of their hypocrisy. It should unsettle us that the author of the Declaration of Independence built a way of life entirely dependent on human bondage.
This leads to an unavoidably complex form of patriotism. We properly venerate not the Founders, but the standards they raised and often failed to meet. This is their primary achievement: They put into place an ideological structure that harshly judged their own practice and drove American democracy to achievements beyond the limits of their vision.
Read the entire piece here.
Here we go again. This time conservatives are upset that American Pageant, a popular school American history textbook, says negative things about Donald Trump. According to Christopher Vondracek’s piece at The Washington Times, the American Pageant describes Trump as a “New York City real estate mogul and reality-television personality” who “bullied, belittles, and bamboozled sixteen rivals to snag–some said hi-jack–the Republican nomination.” It also says that Trump has a “cavalier disregard for the facts” and is the “prince of plutocrats.”
A few quick responses:
First, much of this description of Trump is true. In fact, I think Trump would probably agree with some of this description. If I were writing the textbook I don’t think I would say that Trump “hi-jacked” the nomination. I also think the “prince of plutocrats” is a bit over the top. But everything else seems pretty accurate. Whatever Trump does in his last fifteen months in office, this will all be part of his legacy. To quote Lin-Manuel Miranda in Hamilton, “history has its eyes on you.”
Second, Vondracek and The Washington Times wrongly believe that most students learn American history from reading the textbook and memorizing the facts within it. This assumes that students actually read the textbook. And when they do, they don’t remember much after the exam.
Third, if I were a high school history teacher I would be offended by this piece. It assumes that history teachers are in the business of merely delivering facts. Good history teachers use knowledge to teach students how to think about the world in terms of context, causality, contingency, complexity, and change over time. The best teachers “open-up” the textbook (to use Sam Wineburg’s phrase) by comparing the narrative with primary sources and secondary sources with different slants on the given subject.
But there is a place where conservatives and reactionaries find common cause — and that is when the change occurring is drastic, ideological, imposed by an elite, and without any limiting principle. This is not always easy to distinguish from more organic change — but there is a distinction. On immigration, for example, has the demographic transformation of the U.S. been too swift, too revolutionary, and too indifferent to human nature and history? Or is it simply a new, if challenging, turn in a long, American story of waves of immigrants creating a country that’s an ever-changing kaleidoscope? If you answer “yes” to the first, you’re a reactionary. If “yes” to the second, you’re a liberal. If you say yes to both, you’re a conservative. If you say it’s outrageous and racist even to consider these questions, you’re a card-carrying member of the left.
In a new essay, Anton explains his view of the world: “What happens when transformative efforts bump up against permanent and natural limits? Nature tends to bump back. The Leftist response is always to blame nature; or, to be more specific, to blame men; or to be even more specific, to blame certain men.” To be even more specific, cis white straight men.
But what are “permanent and natural limits” to transformation? Here are a couple: humanity’s deep-seated tribalism and the natural differences between men and women. It seems to me that you can push against these basic features of human nature, you can do all you can to counter the human preference for an in-group over an out-group, you can create a structure where women can have fully equal opportunities — but you will never eradicate these deeper realities.
The left is correct that Americans are racist and sexist; but so are all humans. The question is whether, at this point in time, America has adequately managed to contain, ameliorate, and discourage these deeply human traits. I’d say that by any reasonable standards in history or the contemporary world, America is a miracle of multiracial and multicultural harmony. There’s more to do and accomplish, but the standard should be what’s doable within the framework of human nature, not perfection.
Read the entire piece here.
By now you should know about the recently released audio recording of Ronald Reagan calling African people “monkeys.” Reagan, who was governor of California at the time, made the remarks to Richard Nixon in 1971.
When I learned about this recording I thought about the debate between conservative pundit Dinesh D’Souza and Princeton University historian Kevin Kruse. For several years D’Souza has been making the case that the Democratic Party is the real racist political party, while the Republicans, as the party of Lincoln, is the party of equality and civil rights.
Southern Democrats were indeed racist in the nineteenth and early twentieth-century. Many Republicans were also pretty racist, but they championed abolitionism, led a war to end slavery, and fought for the equality of African-Americans in the decades following the war. But things change. Historians study change over time. While Southern Democrats opposed the civil rights movement, so did conservative Republicans such as Barry Goldwater and others. Meanwhile, other Democrats, such as John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, and the leaders of the civil rights movement, all sought to end Jim Crow in America. Today the overwhelming majority of African Americans vote for Democratic candidates because of this legacy.
So what does D’Souza do about Reagan’s racist comments? If the GOP is not the party of racism, then how does D’Souza explain the recorded remarks of the party’s conservative flag bearer?
I have not been following this whole David French–Sohrab Ahmari dust-up happening right now conservative circles, but I am guessing it has something to do with Trump.
But I did get a kick out of this exchange between an editor at First Things and David French.
It’s strange to hear this criticism coming from French, who proudly watches an explicit TV series, Game of Thrones.https://t.co/a7bQGWdyWV
— Matthew Schmitz (@matthewschmitz) June 2, 2019
I wasn’t going to respond to this nonsense, but now it keeps popping up in my timeline.
Arguing that I can’t condemn a man for having three wives, having sex with porn stars, and appearing in Playboy films because I watched the equivalent of an R-rated movie is . . . a take. https://t.co/VuPCifoDHG
— David French (@DavidAFrench) June 2, 2019
But wait, there’s more:
Sorry I criticized you for championing smut.
— Matthew Schmitz (@matthewschmitz) June 3, 2019
If I had my way, the people who celebrate it would not be taken seriously when they decry smut elsewhere.
Game of Thrones is prestige TV. Trump support is downscale. So the selective scolds object to a Playboy cover while celebrating dragon porn.
— Matthew Schmitz (@matthewschmitz) June 2, 2019
Sometimes you just have to stand back and admire the gymnastics. He actually turned this into a class thing. I like GOT because it’s “prestige.” I only oppose Playboy because it’s downscale porn. The porn of the people. Imagine the class dynamics if Trump was in Hustler. https://t.co/dPlLM06tpd
— David French (@DavidAFrench) June 2, 2019
As I noted above, I am not really following this debate. But when Alan Jacobs weighs-in on something I read it. Here is a taste of his piece at The Atlantic:
A story commonly told these days on both the left and the right says that American Christians, and especially evangelicals, are solidly behind President Donald Trump. The real story is far more complex, and has led many Christians to some fairly serious soul-searching, and others to ask hard questions about whether we even know what an “evangelical” is. Among Christians, as among so many other Americans, one of the chief effects of the rise of Trump has been to widen some fault lines and expose others that we didn’t even know existed. It is at least possible that some good will come from this exposure.
You can see some of these fault lines opening up in a recent controversy that has greatly occupied many journalists, scholars, and ordinary people who care about the relations between Christianity and conservatism. The controversy began when Sohrab Ahmari, the op-ed editor of the New York Post, tweeted, “There’s no polite, David French-ian third way around the cultural civil war”—referring to the lawyer, former soldier, and senior writer of National Review who has often made the case that Christians in the public arena need to practice civility. Ahmari then expanded that tweet into a full-scale attack on French, and since then, the conservative world has been fairly obsessed with adjudicating the dispute.
It’s important to note that Ahmari sees the differences between him and French as rooted, ultimately, in their different Christian traditions: Catholicism for Ahmari—who recently published a memoir of his conversion—and evangelical Protestantism. But whether this is indeed the heart of the matter, the dispute so far hasn’t fallen out that way. Some Catholics are with French, some Protestants with Ahmari. And in any case, I’m more interested in the ways this dispute illuminates questions that all Christians involved in public life need to reckon with than in choosing sides. How Christians choose to reckon with these questions will have consequences for all Americans, whether religious or not.
Read the rest here.
Michael Gerson keeps the heat on Trump. Here is a taste of his latest Washington Post column:
“A great empire and little minds go ill together,” said Edmund Burke.
The United States is not quite an empire, but one little mind was on full display during President Trump’s speech this past weekend to the Conservative Political Action Conference. It was two hours of Trump unplugged, unleashed, uncensored, unreconstructed and unhinged. It was a vivid reminder that the president of the United States, when he is most comfortable and authentic, is a rude, arrogant crank yelling profanities at the television. Correction: through the television.
Most Americans, I suspect, would judge the speech as bad and rambling. To a former speechwriter, it was like watching a wound drain; it was like eating toothpaste canapés, it was like holding centipedes on your tongue; it was like hearing a ringtone of “Macarena” during a funeral, and no one can find the phone.
As the organizing structure of the speech, Trump skipped from enemy to enemy — a taunt here, a mock there. Hillary Clinton made an appearance. As did Robert S. Mueller III and Jeff Sessions, and Central American refugees, and weak-kneed generals, and socialist Democrats, and university administrators, and those horrible people who miscount inaugural crowds.
This last point — that the size of his inaugural crowd was maliciously underestimated by evil forces — seems to be the Ur-myth of Trumpism. It was the subject of his first order as president compelling a minion (poor Sean Spicer) to utter an absurd falsehood on his behalf. Given the flood of lies that has followed, it must have felt darn good. Those who are willing to believe this original lie are the truest of believers — a core of supporters who will stomach absolutely anything.
Read the rest here.
And the politics of fear continues. This sounds like the New England Federalists after Jefferson got elected in 1800. Some of them thought Jefferson and his henchman would invade New England, steal their Bibles, and close their churches. The video embedded in Aaron Rupar’s tweet confirms a major part of my argument in Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump.
*They want to take your hamburgers and make you eat dog food to survive* — Here’s a supercut of all the insane things CPAC speakers have been saying Democrats and cows pic.twitter.com/HfmBnlRGyo
— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) March 1, 2019
One more thing: I want to know what court evangelical Jerry Falwell Jr. would actually do to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez if she comes after his cows.
To understand what’s potentially at stake, one need turn only to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, an abortion-rights supporter who led the ACLU’s Women’s Rights Project in the early 1970s. Ginsburg has long argued that Justice Harry Blackmun’s polarizing 1973 Roe v. Wadedecision—on the surface an abortion rights victory—was actually a poison pill for the movement. By predicating abortion rights on an expansive but implied right to personal privacy, Ginsburg observed years after the fact, “the Court ventured too far in the change it ordered and presented an incomplete justification for its action.” What’s more, the decision “stopped the momentum on the side of change.” It provided little impetus for advocates of reproductive rights to win hearts and minds, one legislative or ballot initiative at a time, and instead inspired opponents of reproductive freedom to do just that.
As they stand poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, political conservatives may be in danger of extreme overreach. Indeed, they may fall into the same trap that befell abortion rights activists in the 1970s. In the mid-1970s, most Americans—54 percent—told Gallup that abortion should be legal in some but not all cases; far fewer Americans responded that abortion should never (21 percent) or always (22 percent) be legal. In effect, there was a broad political center, and in the wake of the court’s decision, the abortion rights movement no longer faced as much urgency in persuading abortion-rights moderates.
But in the years since, although abortion opponents have animated their base in ways that fundamentally shifted the political landscape, they haven’t succeeded in moving public opinion their way. Today, Gallup finds that only 18 percent of respondents believe that abortion should always be illegal. Fifty percent believe that abortion should be legal in some circumstances, and 29 percent support abortion rights without condition. In other words, the center has contracted, hard-line opposition has dropped, and supporters of reproductive rights have increased their share of the Gallup sample.
If Roe v. Wade sparked a political revolution in an era when hard-line opposition to abortion was soft, one can only imagine the strength of the counter-reaction should a conservative court all but criminalize a right that currently enjoys the qualified support of 79 percent of the American population.
Will overturning Roe v. Wade mobilize the pro-choice movement like never before? Perhaps. But I think most social conservatives are willing to take that chance. History cannot predict the future, but it is worth reflecting on whether overturning Roe will, in the very long run, lead to more abortions and not less.
Read Zeitz’s entire piece here.
Salem Radio, the home of conservative talk hosts Hugh Hewitt, Lou Dobbs, court evangelical Eric Metaxas, and others, is in negotiations with “MAGA rock star” and former Trump adviser Sebastian Gorka. Here is a taste of the Daily Beast report:
Perhaps more salient a factor than his age, however, is that the former Trump aide is an unabashed booster and staunch defender of the president—and Salem Radio is interested in more talent like him and fewer dissenters and Republican squishes.
Multiple sources tell The Daily Beast that in the Trump era, Salem has unambiguously encouraged their radio hosts to be as pro-Trump as possible. This trend also extended as far back as the 2016 presidential campaign, according to private Salem messages obtained by CNN earlier this year.
An idea being pitched around Salem Radio is to have Gorka replace nationally syndicated host Michael Medved, a veteran of conservative media who happens to be a vocal on-air critic of President Trump. According to sources, Medved’s three-year contract expires at the end of the year and the long-time radio host intends to continue going on-air for the duration of it.
Some people familiar with the internal deliberations predict a wider dismissal of Trump skeptics, perhaps similar to Salem Media-owned RedState.com’s “purge” of its prominent anti-Trump writers earlier this year. One source described the current Salem Radio atmosphere and chatter as clear indicators of an incoming pro-Trump “coup,” while others simply hope for the best.
Read the rest here.
The Salem Media Group also runs evangelical Christian talk stations around the country. I wonder if they are applying their pro-Trump emphasis to these stations as well.
Rev. Moore said Trump’s appeal was in his authenticity and because he says exactly what he’s thinking.
“I just think that’s false,” responded Ponnuru. “He doesn’t speak his mind, he lies all the time. … He speaks authentically if we define authentic as not being restrained by norms of decency, manners. Let’s be accurate about the actual phenomenon going on here. The fact of the matter is, it is a minority of Americans who will say that they think of the president as a good role model for children, that they think of him as honest, that they think of his as decent, that they think of him as sharing their values.”
Many have rationalized Trump’s behavior and minimized his flaws, Ponnuru said, and “it’s coming across in a way that is very bad for the future of the social life of Catholics and evangelicals” and widening an already large generation gap.
“What is the long-term trajectory that this puts us on as conservatives?” Ponnuru asked. “That’s an open question. There is reason for worry.”
Gerson said religious leaders, such as evangelicals, are not just another interest group, but are leaders supporting the reputation of the Christian Gospel. He said he feared the decisions some are making have alienated the young, minorities and are “doing some serious long-term damage” to the causes they embrace.
Read the entire piece here.
The Georgetown Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life brought together an interesting cast of conservative characters recently to talk about Donald Trump. The panel included Washington Post columnist Michael Gerson, National Review editor Ramesh Ponnuru, and court evangelical and self-acknowledged “modern day Dietrich Bonhoeffer” Johnnie Moore.
Here is a taste of a report on the event published at the National Catholic Reporter:
The conversation got a little testy when Ramesh Ponnuru, a columnist and senior editor at National Review, who evinced no love for Trump in his remarks, likened the president, with his habit of consorting with porn stars, to the biblical King David.
“Look, I think a lot of people recognize the president is a lowlife and were willing to support him,” Ponnuru said, drawing applause from the crowd and a strong response from evangelical minister Johnnie Moore, an informal advisor to the Trump administration.
“That is inside the Beltway speak,” Moore shot back, later calling for an end to superficial punditry and more coming together across political divides on issues of common cause. “The response of this audience is precisely what the problem is.”
Moore praised Trump for his ongoing and what he believes to be very authentic conversation with the evangelical community even as his co-panelists remarked that Trump has not reached out to religious leaders of other faith traditions.
Michael Gerson, a Washington Post columnist, conservative Christian, and speechwriter for President George W. Bush, has written on religion and politics extensively since the election. He punctuated his remarks about the “hostile takeover” of the Republican Party with gallows humor about the “very upbeat” meeting he and his fellow remaining compassionate conservative had just held in a phone booth.
Lauding the if-then tradition of Catholic social teaching — if you are pro-life, for instance, then you can’t also dehumanize immigrants — Gerson expressed concern that evangelicals are making political and social calculations “from the perspective of perceived aggressions of modernity rather than looking at first principles.”
“This is why evangelicals are not just an interest group like a union,” Gerson said, while articulating the fear that the short-term gain of the Trump presidency will have a long-lasting and possibly irreversible effect on future generations of Republican voters. “They are supporting the reputation of the Christian Gospel and making decisions that alienate the young and minorities from this cause.”
Read the entire piece here.
The Republican Party is now the party of victimhood, paranoia, and fear. Sadly, much of its support comes from evangelical Christians–people who are commanded to “fear not.” There is no hope. There is no humility. There is a lot of nostalgia, but very little history.
Trump repeatedly warned the crowd that if Democrats were elected they would repeal the Second Amendment, and at one point asked the attendees to cheer if they preferred the Second Amendment or tax cuts. It was a bizarre moment, one of many, but suffice to say the Second Amendment received very loud support. That defensive posture in the midst of a seeming sea change in the gun-control debate was not a coincidence, and a clear sign that the CPAC doesn’t see itself as responsible for the prevalence of mass shootings.
What makes the rancor especially absurd is that not only is the Republican Party in charge of the Executive Branch and both chambers of Congress, but, by all honest accounts, the Trump administration is succeeding in implementing a hyperconservative agenda. CPAC favorites Ted Cruz and Shapiro acknowledged that they had no substantive disagreements with Trump. Nevertheless, the entire event was defined primarily by victimhood and paranoia. The enemies are everywhere: Democrats, socialists, college professors, regulators, black athletes, reporters, “fake news,” the FBI. “They try like hell, they can’t stand what we’ve done,” Trump said ominously.
Read the entire piece here.
First it was the Holocaust, now Parkland — is there any act of depravity to which the less respectable right-wing media cannot imagine a connection for George Soros?
David Clarke, the sheriff of Fox News, insisted that the Florida students’ reaction to the shooting “has GEORGE SOROS’ FINGERPRINTS all over it,” idiotic capitalization in the original and, one assumes, in his soul. The idiots at Gateway Pundit suggested that one of the student survivors was a fraud because — get this — he’d been interviewed on television before about an unrelated incident. Dinesh D’Souza joined in to mock the students as patsies.
To be fair, D’Souza doesn’t think George Soros is behind Parkland — he thinks George Soros was behind the Holocaust.
About that, a few thoughts.
There are many reasons to dislike George Soros. The slander that he was a Nazi is not one of them.
Read the rest here.
Yesterday I got an e-mail from a writer requesting a phone interview. The writer was working on a piece on “conservative historians” in the academy. Several sources had told this writer to contact me. Here is how I responded to the request: “Thanks for the e-mail. Sounds like a great piece, but I don’t consider myself a ‘conservative historian’ and I am not interested in going on record as one. Good luck with it–I will try to do a post at my blog when the piece appears.”
I have never understood myself as a “conservative historian,” but it is apparent that others out there–perhaps readers of this blog–believe that I am a “conservative historian.” (Others, of course, think I am a flaming liberal).
Frankly, I am not even sure what “conservative historian” means. Does this mean that I am a historian who does not take many risks in my scholarship? Does this mean that I write about subjects that might be deemed “conservative?” Does this mean that my personal politics are conservative and somehow these apparent political convictions impact my work as a historian? Does this mean that I don’t think historians should be activists? I have no idea.