Was Michael Brown "Lynched?"

My colleague Jim LaGrand  has some very thoughtful things to say about the way we use historical analogies in our public statements about race in America .  Check out Jim’s piece entitled “Selma Is Now? No Not Really.”  It is up today at History News Network.

Here is a taste:

Statements similar to Legend’s “Selma is now” have been made many times in the months since Michael Brown’s tragic death at the hands of policeman Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri. In fact, Ferguson has become a Rorschach test – not just on the state of race relations today, but on the past as well through the power of historical analogy. Like John Legend, congressman and civil rights veteran John Lewis has compared Ferguson to Selma in 1965. On college campuses, analogies comparing Ferguson to 1950s Little Rock and Michael Brown to Emmett Till have been heard.
Some have gone deeper into America’s history of race relations looking for analogies. James Lawson, who during the 1950s and 1960s trained hundreds of young people in non-violence resistance, today calls “what happened in Ferguson lynching.” So too historian Jelani Cobb writes about “the long shadow of lynching” in Ferguson. Some protesters in St Louis and Berkeley dramatized their frustration at events in Ferguson through mock lynchings.
These statements and actions are all rooted in the belief that little to nothing has changed in race relations from the Jim Crow era of the 1890s-1950s to the present day. If one of the tasks of History is to assess the complex relationship between change and continuity over time, these voices suggest that on the issue of race and race relations, the answer is pretty simple. 2014 = 1965 or 1955 or the 1890s.
But in looking at the past, it’s hard to make these claims hold up. The Jim Crow era stands as a distinctly grim, brutal period in America’s history for its Black citizens. After the end of Reconstruction, Black men who had recently won the franchise had it effectively taken away. The promise that Black Americans would own the product of their labor too became a bitter lie. All public spaces in the Jim Crow South became divided by the color line.
This racial code was enforced through lynchings and other forms of brutal violence. The Equal Justice Initiative has recently documented 3,959 African-Americans lynched between 1877 and 1950. Lynch mobs cast a wide net. They targeted Black men accused of crimes, those accused or suspected of sexual relations with white women, and those seen as being “impudent to white man,” in the words of one lynching record. Lynchings were barbaric, often involving the ritualistic burning and dismemberment of dead bodies. Not for nothing do many historians refer to 1890-1920 as the nadir of African-American history.

And he concludes:

…We don’t live in a post-racial America. But neither do we live in Jim Crow or 1950s America, despite what many recent analogies would suggest. Not every overbearing authority can be a Bull Connor, not every place of tension is Selma in 1965 or Little Rock in 1957. Not every mistreatment can be labeled a lynching. Otherwise, the power and influence of these historical people and places and practices may be lost.
The moral capital of the civil rights movement risks going bankrupt if it’s drawn on excessively and unconvincingly. I hope that when future Black History Months come around, my students (and all Americans) will have retained the capacity to look at the Jim Crow era and the civil rights movement with the accuracy needed for genuine knowledge and informed passion.  

2 thoughts on “Was Michael Brown "Lynched?"

  1. These kinds of comparisons always attempt to elevate the gravity of a current event by comparison. But what they generally seem to do is not so much heighten the stakes in the present but rather flatten the magnitude of the past.

    As horrifying as so many of the events of 2014 were [and, ultimately, Michael Brown's killing seems far more ambiguous and difficult to assess than the deaths other young black men at the hands of police– Tamir Rice or Eric Garner or John Crawford III, for example], they all utterly pale by comparison with public spectacle of torture and death that repeatedly, even regularly, occurred in the Jim Crow South.

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  2. Honest and excellent.

    All this has given the civil rights movement a distinct place in Americans’ civic consciousness and language. It’s been sanctified—both religiously and politically. In the words of one-time freedom rider John Lewis, the movement was a “holy crusade.” Ever since, it has possessed a kind of moral capital in American public life.

    To draw on the history, themes, and individuals of the civil rights movement today is to give a cause greater significance and urgency. In the months since Ferguson, many activists have done so–at large protest gatherings, teach-ins, and even at the Oscars.

    They see their motives are earnest. By their way of thinking, a continued insistence that little to nothing has changed in race relations will hold white Americans’ feet to the fire. This approach will confront and challenge them, and prevent them from becoming prideful or complacent. Some teachers and administrators on college campuses say that a focus on continuity in race relations will allow for “teaching opportunities.”

    But what if such a determined focus on racial continuity from the 1890s to today doesn’t bring about these results?

    The moral capital of the civil rights movement risks going bankrupt if it’s drawn on excessively and unconvincingly.

    This may already have occurred. With the exception of a few survivors such as John Lewis, the moral authority of the 60s-era heroes was passed to Jesse Jackson [who was there] and to the next generations that weren't.

    With the exception of Barack Obama, a “useful past” for black history may end with the passing of its own “Greatest Generation.”

    40 percent said that no one speaks for them, while 24 percent said the Reverend Al Sharpton of the National Action Network and MSNBC speaks for black people, and 11 percent said the Reverend Jesse Jackson.

    Pretty slim pickings in the moral authority department.

    http://thegrio.com/2013/03/27/which-leaders-speak-for-black-america/

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